The Polarisation of All NON Brahamin Forces seem to be the only Survival Strategy sidelining Casteology as the Global Phenomenon demands vision beyond Caste Identity. The Zionist Brahaminical Hegemony should be ,why, must be singled out as EVR Pariyar did.
Maoists strike again, kill 6 cops in Bihar
ONGC reiterates right of first refusal in Cairn deal
Minorities asked to remain vigilant during Obama''s visit
WikiLeaks near release of secret US war documents
Troubled Galaxy Destroyed Dreams, chapter 566
Palash Biswas
http://indianholocaustmyfatherslifeandtime.blogspot.com/
Coal India gives investors exit option until Oct 25
PowerGrid, SAIL, IndianOil., ONGC , Shipping Corporation, Hindustan Copper and Manganese Ore are some of the companies that have lined up share sales.
SALE India agenda is being acomplished to welcome US President Barack Hussain Obama with a pland to boos Retail FDI upto Fifty One Percent and Financial and economic Reforms continue to crete man Made hazards and calamities. Obama India Visit means Escalation of War and Civil War in South Asia to strengthen US War Econmoy as DOLLOR gains strength and WALL STREET suffers Slump. Focal Point of Obama Trip is Defence as well as Partnership in War against Terror. Pakistan is obliged with Defence AID and Indian Super slaves see the most Opportune time to enhance their Swiss bank accounts.
I am reading documents related to Dravidian Movement these days and feeling the heat of the Terror Topography as Bengal is all set to welcome the GAS Chambers and Concentration camps thanks to Capitalist Marxist Brahamins Running Blind on the Super Highway of Industrialisation, Urbanisation and indiscriminate land Acquisition dumping Rural development and land Reforms and opening all flood gates of Market Forces with Foreign capital. The Aryan Hindu Brahamin Anti Marxist Anti Aboriginal Anti Indigenous Anti Minority forces have joined hand to replace Bhattacharya with Banerjee.
The Polarisation of All NON Brahamin Forces seem to be the only Survival Strategy sidelining Casteology as the Global Phenomenon demands vision beyond caste Identity. The Zionist Brahaminical Hegemony should be ,why, must be singled out as EVR Pariyar did.
Anti-Brahminism - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Tamil Nadu is home to one of the oldest anti-Brahmin movements in India. Tamil Brahmins (Iyers and Iyengars) are frequently held responsible by some ...
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-Brahminism - Cached - SimilarDravidistan - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Other names for the proposed sovereign state included "South India", ...
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dravidistan - Cached - SimilarAnti-Brahminism
- 10:29amTamil Nadu is home to one of the oldest Anti-Brahminism movements in India. Anti-Brahminism as opposed to popular belief was not started as Anit-Brahmin ...
www.worldlingo.com/ma/enwiki/en/Anti-Brahminism - CachedTN's anti-Brahmin movement hits tradition, boosts real estate ...
16 Nov 2007 ... They essentially formed the ecosystem that ran the temples of south India. Yet, against a backdrop of Tamil Nadu's anti-Brahmin movement, ...
www.livemint.com/.../TN8217s-antiBrahmin-moveme.html - Cached - SimilarDalit and Shudra Politics and Anti-Brahmin Movement
by N Kumar - 2000 - Cited by 3 - Related articles
and southern Indian non-brahmin politics led by shudras disillusioned the dalits. ..... understood as an anti-caste movement in transition. [Ef. References ...
www.jstor.org/stable/4409928 - SimilarKarunanidhi says kushboo controversy will result in an anti ...
2 posts - 1 authorThe State secretary of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), N. Varadarajan, on Saturday said his ... Karunanidhi wants to start an anti-brahmin movement ...
forums.sulekha.com/.../karunanidhi-says-kushboo-controversy-will-result-in-an-anti-brahmin-movement.htm - CachedGet more discussion results
Social movements in India: a review of the literature - Google Books Result
Ghanshyam Shah - 2004 - Social Science - 281 pages
Most of these studies are confined to non-Brahmin movements in south India. MSA Rao (1979) classifies backward-caste movements in India into four types on ...
books.google.co.in/books?isbn=0761998330...Sid's Blog: New Social Movements, Postmodernism, Gandhism and ...
12 Sep 2007 ... Other social movements that have come up in India claiming to ... was the founder and leader of the anti-Brahmin movement in Tamil Nadu from ...
sidshome1.blogspot.com/.../new-social-movements-postmodernism.html - Cached - SimilarCountering Anti-Brahminism - I
rigorously. They also claim to be Aryans from North India. But the anti Brahmin movement which was founded by a Malayali had no effect there. ...
www.tamilbrahmins.com/.../1743-countering-anti-brahminism-i.html - CachedTN's anti-Brahmin movement - Rediff Blogs
24 Jan 2008 ... Your Rediff blog just got better! Check your new blog at: http://blogs.rediff.com/rahulwrites/2008/01/24/tns-anti-brahmin-movement/ ...
rahulwrites.rediffiland.com/.../TN-s-anti-Brahmin-movement.html - Cached - Similar
ONGC (ONGC.NS : 1343.85 -16.25) on Thursday told the stock exchanges that UK-based Cairn Energy needs its consent for the $9.6-billion deal with Vedanta Resources for selling controlling stake in Cairn India. ONGC said it has the option of exercising the right of first refusal with respect to the participating interest that Cairn India and its affiliates have in hydrocarbon assets in the country.
Coal India, whose $3.5 billion IPO was more than 15 times subscribed, has been asked by the capital markets regulator to offer investors an exit option until October 25 after errors were pointed out in its prospectus, the state-run company's chairman said. Partha Bhattacharyya said figures were "interchanged" in two places and termed them as "typographical errors".
Finance Director A.K. Sinha said accretion in stock and other income got interchanged in the company's standalone financial statement printed in the prospectus and it had no impact on the company's total income and profit figures.
Asked if the exit option would have any impact on the subscriptions, Bhattacharyya said: "This is a trivial kind of a thing. We wanted to abide by the regulation. "I don't see any impact."
Coal India's initial public offering (IPO) drew bids for at least Rs 2.3 lakh crore, or $54 billion in cash—enough to build 25 airports similar to the sparkling New Delhi one—indicating investors' eagerness to buy if shares are priced reasonably.
Janus Capital, Fidelity, Franklin Templeton and Capital International led overseas investors' bids while State Bank of India , ICICI Bank and Life Insurance Corporation topped the list of domestic institutions, raising hopes of strong demand for forthcoming issues, said people familiar with the bids.
Coal India joins the league of top state-run companies in the world such as China's Agriculture Bank that sold $22 billion worth of shares and Brazil's Petrobras that raised $70 billion. Companies in emerging economies are drawing record funds as investors in developed markets fear a double-dip recession in their home countries.
"This is a premier organisation," said finance minister Pranab Mukherjee. "It speaks how much confidence they enjoy."
State-run companies have been outperforming the market, with the BSE PSU Index gaining 25.5% in the last three years, compared with the Sensex' 12.8%. Shares in Maruti Suzuki have risen 12-fold since the IPO, and utility NTPC's have trebled.
The likely pricing of shares at the top end of the Rs 225-245 band will make it the biggest listed coal producer in the world, qualifying to be the global industry benchmark. It will be the seventh most valuable firm in the country.
Price band of the issue at a valuation lower than comparable global peers did induce investors to queue up as gains seems to be assured when it begins trade on November 4.
At Rs 245 apiece, Coal India would be trading at 12 times forward year earnings, compared with about 15 times for Australia's Gloucester Coal and 14 times for China's Shenhua Energy. Hypothetically, if the company gets to raise prices to global parity, its earnings per share may jump 323% to Rs 84.2, potentially giving it a market value of $143 billion, closer to the world's biggest iron exporter, Vale of Brazil, that was privatised in 1997.
The institutional portion of the book was subscribed 25 times, or with bids for $39 billion. Bankers said more than two-thirds of the book were subscribed by foreign funds. The $3.5-billion IPO goes past the record set by Reliance Power at $2.9 billion in 2008, and that of real estate developer DLF's at $2 billion before that.
Success of the latest issue takes total fund-raisings by the state to Rs 17,500 crore this year, giving hopes that its Rs 40,000-crore target may be surpassed comfortably, if conservative pricing is followed.
Meanwhile, Maoists strike again, kill 6 cops in Bihar!
Six policemen were killed late on Friday night as armed Maoists triggered a landmine blast blowing up a jeep on patrol in Bihar's Sheohar district two days before the second phase of assembly polls.
"The ultras detonated a landmine blast targeting a police patrol passing over a small culvert at Jhitkahi in which five policemen, including the SHO of Shyampur Bhatha police station Pravin Kumar Singh, were killed," Director General of Police Neelmani said.
"Among those killed are four special auxiliary police (SAP) personnel and the driver of the jeep," he said.
Another SAP jawan injured in the landmine blast was rushed to a nearby hospital.
The site of the blast was 35km from Seohar town.
World stocks and the U.S. dollar wavered on Friday before a meeting of the Group of 20 leading economies that is keeping markets choppy and traders skittish as they take profits after this week's run-up.
Uncertainty about the outcome of the meeting of G20 finance ministers who seek a common path to manage global trade prompted some investors to moderate their dollar-selling until the gathering in South Korea ends this weekend.
Wall Street stocks were little changed and European shares edged lower from six-month highs as the dollar rose slightly and was on track to snap a five-week losing streak against major currencies.
U.S. Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner said in a letter to fellow G20 finance chiefs that countries should refrain from currency policies designed to gain a competitive edge and should aim instead to contain trade imbalances.
Canada said it supported the proposals. However, developing economies, such as China, may cool to the idea of letting their currencies strengthen if the U.S. Federal Reserve embarks on an expected new program to boost money supply.
"It's unlikely the G20 meeting will produce any substantial clarity regarding the direction of currencies. It will not prevent the U.S. Federal Reserve from announcing a new round of quantitative easing," said UniCredit analyst Tammo Greetfeld.
While traders would not rule out another lurch lower for the dollar, which fell about 7 percent against currencies over the past month, they said large bets against the U.S. currency pointed to a correction.
The dollar rose slightly against major currencies, with the U.S. Dollar Index up 0.14 percent at 77.538 and is up about 0.4 percent this week, its first weekly gain since mid-September.
The euro was barely changed against the dollar at $1.3915, and against the Japanese yen, the dollar was up 0.01 percent at 81.35.
"The dollar has fallen quite rapidly over the last month or so and positions are somewhat extended. We saw the tide turning a bit this week," said Nick Bennenbroek, currency strategist at Wells Fargo in New York.
The Dow was down but the Nasdaq and S&P were slightly higher.
The Dow Jones industrial average was down 21.27 points, or 0.19 percent, at 11,125.30. The Standard & Poor's 500 Index was up 0.53 points, or 0.04 percent, at 1,180.79. The Nasdaq Composite Index was up 8.00 points, or 0.33 percent, at 2,467.67.
Oil prices rose above $81 a barrel as positive German data stoked commodities buying.
U.S. crude futures were up 56 cents at $81.12 a barrel, while ICE Brent in London rose 57 cents to $82.40 a barrel.
U.S. government debt prices fell slightly.
The benchmark 10-year U.S. Treasury note was down 2/32, with the yield at 2.5487 percent.
Gold prices steadied, recovering much of their losses that took them to 2-1/2 week lows earlier in the session.
Spot gold prices rose slightly to $1,323.35 an ounce.
Gold investors were wary whether any clear agreement to tackle currency imbalances would be reached at the G20 meeting.
Japan's Nikkei share average edged up 0.4 percent in thin trade, while the MSCI Asia Pacific ex-Japan index was largely unchanged on the day.
Cairn Energy chief executive Bill Gammell had earlier this month said while ONGC has pre-emptive rights over the transfer of assets by Cairn India, it doesn't have any such rights in case of a stake sale in the company.
When contacted, a Cairn spokesperson told FE, "Cairn has always said that we will take the necessary consents and approvals and work in a consensual way to process this transaction."
Cairn Energy holds stake in seven assets in the country including the Barmer field in Rajasthan as per the data provided by the director general of hydrocarbons. ONGC holds 30% participating interest in the Barmer field besides stakes in other Cairn India hydrocarbon assets. Cairn Energy owns 62.36% of Cairn India.
The Barmer field, which represents India's largest onshore oil discovery in the last quarter of a century, is expected to produce 1,75,000 barrels of oil a day by next year as per its approved plan and can increase it by two-fifth.
The PSU, however, ruled out countering Vedanta's Rs 405 a share offer, which has been approved by the Cairn Energy board.
"The last date for making a counter bid was October 7. So there is no question of making a counter bid now," ONGC chairman and managing director RS Sharma told FE.
Sharma, however, declined to comment on whether ONGC would agree to Cairn Energy ceding control in its Indian business if some other acquirer with expertise in operating oil and gas fields comes into picture.
"This is a sensitive issue, I cannot comment further," Sharma said.
Vedanta, which is into mining, has no experience in hydrocarbons, although both are extractive industries and face similar challenges.
ONGC's assertion of its rights comes after it received a favourable opinion from the solicitor general, who said oil and gas fields are national resources and cannot change hands without the consent of the government and its wings.
WikiLeaks near release of secret US war documents
LONDON: The WikiLeaks website appears close to releasing what the Pentagon fears is the largest cache of secret US documents in history - hundreds of thousands of intelligence reports compiled after the 2003 invasion of Iraq.
US officials said Friday they were racing to contain the damage from the imminent release, while NATO top official told reporters he feared that lives could be put at risk by the mammoth disclosure.
NATO chief Anders Fogh Rasmussen said any release would create ``a very unfortunate situation.''
``I can't comment on the details of the exact impact on security but in general I can tell you that such leaks ... may have a very negative security impact for people involved,'' he told reporters Friday in Berlin following a meeting with German Chancellor Angela Merkel.
A team of more than a hundred analysts from across the US military, lead by the Defense Intelligence Agency, has been combing through the Iraq documents they think will be released in anticipation of the leak.
Called the Information Review Task Force, its analysts have pored over the documents and used word searches to try to pull out names and other issues that would be particularly sensitive, officials have said.
The task force has informed the US Central Command of some of the names of Iraqis and allies and other information they believe might be released that could present a danger, officials have said, noting that - unlike the WikiLeaks previous disclosure of some 77,000 documents from Afghanistan - in this case they had advance notice that names may be exposed.
Once officials see what is publicly released, the command ``can quickly push the information down'' to forces in Iraq, according to Marine Corps Col. Dave Lapan, a Defense Department spokesman.
``Centcom can jump into action and take whatever mitigating steps'' might be needed, Lapan said Friday.
Wikileaks' previous release of secret war documents in July from Iraq and Afghanistan outraged the Pentagon, which accused the group of being irresponsible. Rasmussen said Friday that leaks of this nature ``may put soldiers as well as civilians at risk.''
But it appears that those fears - which the military has invoked in its appeal to WikiLeaks and the media not to publish the documents - have yet to materialize. A Pentagon letter obtained by The Associated Press reported that no US intelligence sources or practices were compromised by the Afghan war logs' disclosure.
Defense Secretary Robert Gates reported the conclusions in an Aug 16 letter to Sen. Carl Levin, chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, who had requested a Pentagon assessment.
22 Oct, 2010, 01.26PM IST, Joji Thomas Philip & Harsimran Julka,ET Bureau
Govt plans to cut internet services in case of cyber attacks
NEW DELHI: Indian law enforcement and national security officials are drawing up plans that will give them technology capabilities to cut off all internet services during emergencies.
After a series of recent meetings on cyber security held at the prime Minister's Office at South Block, all government departments have been asked to jointly work on developing technologies and also invest in enhancing R&D capabilities to enhance the Centre's control on internet services within the country, officials aware of the development told ET.
Officially, these steps are aimed at protecting Indian infrastructure from cyber attacks, but analysts fear that this may lead to greater government controls over internet as in China. Globally many countries are working on securing their communication networks from crippling cyber attacks that target the IT infrastructure of banks, airports, railways and government offices, all of which are often connected to the internet.
As the first step, the Centre wants to control national gateways, the points at which all data and internet connects to the outside world. Currently, many of these points are under the control of telecom and internet companies. These firms have capabilities to install filters that can slow down or block certain objectionable content on the directions of the government
The possibility of the Centre taking charge of the internet during emergencies and cyber wars were discussed at a recent meeting at the Prime Minister's Office, chaired by the national security advisor Shivshankar Menon with representatives from all intelligence agencies and key department such as IT, telecoms, atomic energy, defence and space.
" China has been able to establish controls which enable it to choke the internet at will. The number of vulnerabilities in cyber space could be reduced by ensuring that closed loop information systems are not connected to the internet," said the minutes of this meet, which were seen by ET.
The model similar to that of China is being explored where key government departments work together on cyber space related issues with a long term vision. A move to make many networks closed group and not connected with internet is also being explored. The departments have also been asked to tap competencies and R&D capabilities of private organizations and academia to identify and plug gaps in the country's cyber security apparatus.
Non possession of full web gateway control has resulted in economic losses for governments in past. In April 2007, when Estonia removed the Russia . war memorials from its territory, it was met with a massive denial of service attack allegedly from Russia. In the days that followed, IT infrastructure in Estonia government, banks, news organizations were crippled and banks suffered losses. In 2008, Russians attacked Georgian news agencies during Ossetia war crashing their servers.
"Shutting the internet would be like closing your shop whenever somebody starts throwing stones on it," says Vikas Desai, technical lead at IT security firm RSA. "Many solutions like a massive firewall, log management should be installed to monitor security, not content," he adds.
The Centre also attempting to map the cyber assets of adversaries (like Pakistan and China) amongst others so that India can retaliate and also launch offensive cyber operations against these nations when subject to an attack.
'This would involve development of capabilities to observe, understand and react to treats as well as to understand the behavioral dynamics of players in cyber space. It will also be important to develop standards and patents in the next generation technologies in order to control the cyber space," the minutes of the meet chaired by Mr Menon says, while adding this would the only way by which India would attain a bargaining position in the cyber world.
The Centre is also becoming wary of foreign IT security providers like US based 'Symantec and McAfee' who are currently entrusted with the tasks of reporting vulnerabilities in Indian cyber space, and have remote access to Indian internet gateways.
"International companies are unlikely to share information beyond India specific domains. These issues need to be addressed through robust regulatory and R&D strategies," the minutes state..
Emails sent to US based Symantec and McAfee on the government's concerns about them did not elicit any response.
A denial of service attack happens when a server is requested for a particular information like a website millions of times in a fraction of second by a computer, that it leads to crashing of the server. In a distributed denial of service attack, many computers attack on the same server, millions of times in a second. This makes it difficult for a firewall to block a particular IP address since millions of other IP addresses are attacking at the same time. However, switching off the internet might bring some relief temporarily to a country, till vulnerabilities are fixed.
Minorities asked to remain vigilant during Obama''s visit
Kashmiri Pandit Sangarsh Samiti (KPSS), a representative body of Hindus living in the Valley, today asked people, especially the minorities, to remain vigilant during US President Barack Obama''s forthcoming visit to India. "We appeal to the masses especially minorities living in the valley to be vigilant (during the visit of Obama) and not to open their doors between dusk and dawn," President of KPSS Sanjay K Tickoo said in a statement here.
Referring to the statements from various quarters about the threat perception to the minorities during the visit of the US President, Tickoo said his organisation is concerned about the safety of minorities living in the Valley. "The statements that the minorities may be targeted by the agencies from across the border or by the state or non-state actors is a cause of concern for us.
this indicates that these unscrupulous elements are bent upon harming the minorities for the benefit of their masters across the borders," he said. Lauding the role of hardline separatist leader Syed Ali Shah Geelani for "protecting minorities" over the years, Tickoo said condemned the Delhi incident where the Hurriyat chief was heckled by some people.
"We condemn the act committed by a small section of the right wing Hindu groups in Delhi under the banner of Kashmiri Pandits yesterday," he said and termed it as an attempt to widen the gap between the Kashmiri communities.
Mumbai luxury hotels booked for Obama's visit
Most of the rooms at the top luxury hotels in the city, including the Taj and Trident which were targeted during the 26/11 terror attacks, have been booked for United States President Barack Obama's visit next month.
Nearly 560 rooms in Taj Mahal hotel, 120 rooms in Taj President and 90 rooms each in Oberoi and Grand Hyatt have been booked ahead of Obama's tour here, a senior police official said today.
At least 150 administration staff will accompany the President, the official said adding that they were also going to be accompanied by a special chef.
The First Lady Michelle Obama is expected to visit the city's red light area, Kamathipura, on a special request made by an NGO, the official added.
The Taj Hotel and the NCPA have been completely booked for business meetings, the official added.
Obama is expected to tour 26/11 targets when he undertakes a visit to India next month.
Police sources said Obama is expected to arrive in Mumbai on November 5 on a five-day visit to India.
He would stay in Taj hotel while his some of his staff would check in at Trident hotel, both of which were targeted by Pakistani terrorists during the November 26-28 attacks in 2008.
Thursday October 21, 02:44 PM Source: Indian Express Finance
Coal India IPO covered 12.2 times at 12.00 pm
By Agencies
Coal India's initial public offering worth up to Rs 15,000 cr was oversubscribed in the retail portion on Thursday, adding to its huge institutional demand and hinting at success for the Indian government's upcoming share sales.
On Wednesday, the last day for bidding by institutions, India's largest ever IPO was covered nearly 12 times, with most bids at the high end of its Rs 225 to Rs 245 per share range, translating into demand for roughly $40 billion.
Rajnikant Shah, a 60-year old businessman from Mumbai, has deferred any big expenses such as travelling for the time being, as he is investing a decent sum for this IPO.
"It is the biggest issue ever from the government. And, there are many more lined up. That is why, they have ensured with the pricing in place, that this one has to be a success," said Shah.
The offer will close on Thursday for non-institutional bidders. Retail investors and staff will get a 5 per cent discount on the issue price.
Heavy oversubscription by institutional investors means the offer is likely to price at or near the top of its Rs 225-Rs 245 per share range when final pricing is likely to be decided over the weekend or early next week.
But some are hoping it will be priced below the top.
"They (government) will have to leave something on the table for the investors, if they want good response for other IPOs that are lined up." said Neeraj Dewan, director of Quantum Securities.
"They will have to follow the trend that they have started. Only if people make money, they will show good interest."
India is in the midst of a programme to offload stakes in some 60 state companies over the next few years, and its efforts to date have met with mixed investor response.
At the top of the range, Kolkata-based Coal India, which accounts for nearly 80 per cent of coal output in Asia's third-largest economy, would be worth $35 billion, ranking it seventh among India's listed firms.
The government had the flexibility to price the Coal India share sale attractively because the company is not yet listed, but pricing for big upcoming follow-on offers by the likes of Power Grid and Hindustan Copper will be driven in part by existing valuations.
Among state IPOs on the horizon, Manganese Ore India Ltd is readying an offering next month to raise up to $270 million.
HEAVY INVESTOR DEMAND
By 12.00 pm, the IPO had been covered 12.2 times the total shares on offer, stock exchange data showed. The retail portion had received bids for 1.68 times shares on offer. Wealthy individuals had separately bid for 4 times shares available for the segment.
A 5 per cent discount has been offered to retail investors who often take their cue from institutions and were expected to place heavy orders on the final day on Thursday.
A dominant position in a country that is heavily reliant on coal-fired power and a valuation considered attractive relative to peers has made Coal India a near must-own for investors seeking broad exposure to an economy growing at 8.5 per cent.
Still, risks exist, including a Maoist insurgency in key mining areas, as well as environmental challenges to new mining projects in the country.
Coal India's prices are about 60 per cent lower than international prices, in part because of comparatively low quality coal.
The IPO is on track to surpass Reliance Power's $3 billion listing in 2008 as India's largest new issue, and comes to market amid a flurry of big deals in Asia.
Coal India, whose shares will begin trading on Nov. 4, expects profits to rise by a quarter this fiscal year, driven by demand for electricity in India, three-quarters of which is fuelled by coal.
Demand for coal is forecast to grow 11 per cent a year in India, which aims to halve its peak-hour power deficit of nearly 14 per cent over the next two years.
At the top of its price range, Coal India would be valued at 15.7 times trailing earnings.
China's Shenhua Energy trades at 16 times trailing earnings, while smaller Indonesian peer Adaro Energy has a ratio of 20 times. US miner Peabody Energy trades at 25 times earnings.
Thursday October 21, 02:43 PM Source: Indian Express Finance
Investors: RPower beats Coal India IPO
By Ashley Coutinho
The number of demat accounts opened during the Coal India (CIL (CUMMINS.BO : 740.9 +9.6)) issue could be nearly one-fifth of the accounts opened during the offering by Reliance Power, which hit the market in early 2008.
The number of accounts opened in September through CDSL, a leading depository, stood at 79,344, the highest in the last seven months. According to SMC Capitals, about 1.38 lakh demat accounts were added in September. Till October 16, about 60,000 accounts were opened through CDSL. The October figures for NSDL are unavailable but considering that NSDL's market share is about 1.5 times that of CDSL, the corresponding figure for the former will roughly be around 90,000 accounts. That means the combined demat additions for September and October for both the depositories will work out to be about 2.9 lakh accounts.
Compare this with about 15.5 lakh accounts added in December 2007 and January 2008, two months prior to the issuance of Rs 11,000-crore plus Reliance Power issue, and one can gauge the muted response for Coal India from first-time investors.
Industry observers attributed the higher numbers for Reliance Power's IPO to the frenzied bull run of 2007. "Retail investors are much more cautious now and still not as enthusiastic about participating in the market as there were during the bull run of 2007," said Divyesh Shah, CEO of Indiabulls Securities. That cautiousness is reflected in the fact that this year the number of new demat accounts stands at about one-third that opened in 2007.
Also, it must be remembered that the Reliance Power had gone on a marketing overdrive to garner interest among investors. "That kind of hype is missing this time round," said Shah.
However, market participants admit the government has done enough to pique the interest of small investors. "The pricing is right and the offering leaves a lot of money on the table for retail investors. Plus, they get a 5% discount," said Shah.
Friday October 22, 03:34 AM Source: Indian Express Finance
Finmin rules out duty on power equipment import
By Noor Mohammad
In what could help bring down the cost of power from upcoming generation projects, the finance ministry has shot down a proposal to impose import duty on power equipment. The move would essentially help Chinese equipment suppliers to augment their imports to India and expose domestic companies like BHEL (BHEL.NS : 2526.1 -15.3) and L&T to intense competition.
According to official sources, North Block, which was earlier seen supporting the idea of an import duty, recently conveyed its revised stance to the ministry of power which is preparing a cabinet note on this issue.
The finance ministry has argued that such a duty would raise electricity tariff and put additional financial strain on state electricity boards whose combined losses stood at Rs 70,000 crore in 2009-10. The situation could get worse, given that electricity demand is rising because of an ambitious policy push to rural electrification programmes, the commercially viability of which is suspect.
Last year, Chinese power equipment makers sold goods worth over Rs 20,000 crore in India, thanks to the aggressive capacity expansion in the country.
The finance ministry's decision is despite the fact that a committee of secretaries endorsed a 5% import duty on power equipment. The department of revenue in the ministry too had backed the the proposal earlier. A high-level committee headed by Planning Commission member Arun Maira had earlier proposed a 14% import duty to provide a level-playing field to domestic manufacturers. The CoS had recommended 5% customs duty on power equipment to partially offset the cost disadvantage suffered by domestic manufacturers. Besides, the CoS had also proposed 10% countervailing duty and 4% special additional duty, which if implemented, would have had a net impact of 14.5% on project cost.
The finance ministry reversed its stand after the matter was re-examined by the department of economic affairs.
Most of the manufacturing facilities being set up by private power producers are likely to be ready only by 2012-13 and 2013-14. Slapping duty on power equipment could also lead to a derailment of the power ministry's capacity addition plan, the ministry felt. The domestic manufacturing capacity is not enough to meet equipment requirement for the envisaged capacity addition. The finance ministry also argued that the route of bulk tendering is open for encouraging domestic manufacturing capacity and that can't be a reason for putting duty on power equipment.
Friday October 22, 03:56 AM Source: Indian Express Finance
Break-even in 3G services a long haul, say operators
By Nikita Upadhyay
Telecom service providers, who collectively coughed up Rs 68,000 crore for the coveted 3G auctions, feel it would be a long haul before their companies can break even on their 3G investments. Bharti Airtel (BHARTIARTL.BO : 333.4 -4.05), Vodafone Essar, Reliance Communications (RCOM.NS : 179.15 +0.9) and Idea Cellular, amongst others, have already ordered their 3G gears and will be launching the services by the end of this financial year.
"Breaking even on the 3G investments is a long haul process," said Samaresh Parida, director-strategy, Vodafone Essar. "We cannot predict what kind of uptake 3G services will see in the initial days. Anyone who is saying and setting a time-frame for break-even is only guessing. All I can say is that it will be a long haul process," he added. Vodafone will spend around Rs 23,000 crore over a span of two years as 3G capex.
Having paid heftily for 3G licences, operators are looking for ways to cut down the capex for 3G services. Apart from the equipment, these companies will be sharing the same towers that they have been using for 2G, with an additional 3G slot.
"Deriving a business case out of 3G as a standalone model will be difficult. Operators need to look at it as a way to secure their underlying core 2G or 2.5G businesses. Only a few operators have secured 3G licences out of existing 14 players in the market, thus, giving them an opportunity to position themselves differently in the market," said Arvind Subramanian, partner & director, Boston Consulting Group, India.
Subramanian believes that for the next three years subscriber revenues from high speed data services will not be significant. As an early phenomenon, it will be limited to top 10-20 cities in each circle and on a pan-India level in 200-300 cities.
"Breaking even on the investments will take a long duration as it also depends on at what price points users find it attractive. 3G being delayed in the country has led to the ecosystem being more mature, resulting in availability of wider equipment and handsets," said Akshaya Moondra, CFO, Idea Cellular.
Prashant Gokarn, business head, 3G, RComm said the return on investments from 3G will start just after users start using these services. However, breaking even will take about 5-6 years from the day of its launch.
Friday October 22, 12:10 PM Reuters
G20 should refrain using FX for trade gains - Geithner
GYEONGJU, South Korea (Reuters) - Group of 20 nations should refrain from currency policies aimed at gaining a competitive edge, U.S. Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner said in a letter to G20 finance chiefs.
Geithner also said that nations with undervalued currencies should neither try to weaken them or stand in the way of gains and G20 members should aim to reduce their current account imbalances below specified percentage of gross domestic product,
according to a letter obtained by Reuters on Friday.
"G-20 emerging market countries with significantly undervalued currencies and adequate precautionary reserves need to allow their exchange rates to adjust fully over time to levels consistent with economic fundamentals," Geithner wrote.
G20 finance officials started their formal two days of meetings on Friday with nations from the developing world and Japan dismissing the U.S. proposal to set a target of 4 percent of gross domestic product for current account surpluses and deficits, a measure that appeared aimed at China's trade surplus.
China, Russia, Germany and Saudi Arabia are all running trade surpluses above the mooted threshold while the United States is running a deficit of around 3 percent of GDP.
A senior G20 official however put the chances for an agreement on current account targeting at even.
(Reporting by Gernot Heller; Editing by Ed Lane and Tomasz Janowski)
Friday October 22, 03:54 AM Source: Indian Express Finance
Vedanta Lanjigarh plant expansion hits green hurdle
By Dilip Bishnoi
The London-listed Vedanta Resources heaved a sigh of relief on Thursday as the ministry of environment and forests (MoEF) stopped the expansion of its existing 1 million tonne per annum (MTPA) alumina refinery at Lanjigarh in Orissa's Kalahandi district but did not withdraw the environment clearances accorded to the refinery.
"That the existing refinery was saved is of great satisfaction to us," Vedanta Aluminium (VAL) COO Mukesh Kumar told FE.
The ministry's permission to source bauxite from mines is also a great relief, he added.
VAL top bosses were quite apprehensive about the ministry's ban on sourcing bauxite from mines in Orissa and Jharkahand. The company is running the refinery with bauxite from 14 mines in the two states.
Kumar was in Lanjigarh on Thursday to tell the employees that the existing refinery was not going to be closed.
The MoEF on Thursday announced its verdict in connection with the violation of forest and environment laws by Vedanta Aluminium in Orissa.
The ministry has directed the company to submit an irrevocable bank guarantee of Rs 10 crore within 15 days to the Orissa State Pollution Control Board (OSPCB) for implementation of all environmental protection measures.
The ministry has directed that the company shall immediately install Piezometers around the red mud and ash ponds to monitor the ground water level. At least 25% of the plant area must be covered with green belt within two years.
Friday October 22, 10:00 AM Reuters
G20 officials pour cold water on U.S. proposals
By Tetsushi Kajimoto and Toni Vorobyova
GYEONGJU, South Korea (Reuters) - A global agreement to tackle economic imbalances and fend off the prospect of damaging currency devaluations looked set to evade finance officials at the G20 meeting in South Korea.
G20 finance officials started their formal meetings on Friday with nations from the developing world and Japan dismissing U.S. proposals to set limits on current account balances in an effort to defuse tensions over currencies that economists fear could trigger trade wars.
"We need to talk about it first, but numerical targets are unrealistic," Japanese Finance Minister Yoshihiko Noda said on Friday.
Many emerging market policymakers are loath to allow their currencies to appreciate substantially and blame the U.S. for financial mismanagement that led to the global financial crisis and accuse it of engaging in its own devaluation by flooding markets with liquidity from its quantitative easing policies.
That has had the effect of pushing a wall of money into emerging markets like Brazil, forcing them to adopt a range of measures to stem capital flows which have boosted asset prices and complicated fiscal and monetary policy.
While the G20 won praise for coordination of stimulus packages during the global financial crisis, such a sense of unity has gradually evaporated in the face of strains resulting from unprecedented efforts to revive global growth.
It appears increasingly unlikely that any meaningful agreements at the summit will be reached aside from a commitment to a development agenda for poorer nations that has been backed by hosts South Korea and a framework for financial regulation.
Washington's proposal to set a 4 percent target for current account surpluses and deficits, a measure that appeared aimed at China's huge trade surplus, were torpedoed by both developing and advanced nations.
"One thing is clear the final agreement on this framework agreement (on economic stability) will not be made at the finance ministers' meeting," Russian finance official Andrey Bokarev said ahead of the meetings.
"There is an action plan, but there are an awful lot of complaints, proposals."
MARKETS WATCH TONE OF COMMUNIQUE
Failure to reach an global agreement has been priced into financial markets, although any hardening of the tone of the final communique, due on Saturday, could bolster emerging market currencies at the expense of the dollar.
The language of the last G20 summit stressed the need to "refrain from competitive devaluations" and a shift to something stronger such as refraining from competitive undervaluation would be a significant move, said Credit Suisse currency strategist Olivier Desbarres.
"You would have to commit to allowing your currency to appreciate," he said.
That would require a step change from the likes of China and host South Korea.
Policymakers said that while the likes of China, India and Germany would probably reject the ambitious U.S. proposals for numerical targets, the negotiations had a long way to run.
"The actual drafting of the communique will only begin Friday night after first round of meetings between the finance ministers and central bank governors," a senior emerging market policymaker present at the talks told Reuters on Thursday.
(Additional reporting by Abhijit Neogy; Writing by David Chance; Editing by Tomasz Janowski)
Friday October 22, 06:12 PM Source: Indian Express Finance
Rupee appreciation not abnormal: FM
By Agencies
Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee has said that huge FII inflow reflects foreigners confidence in Indian growth story and is not a matter of concern as of now since the appreciation in the value of rupee is not abnormal.
"The rupee appreciation is not abnormal. As and when RBI feels that intervention is necessary, they start intervening. But I'm not very much worried because our situation will not be of that level," Mukherjee said ahead of G-20 Finance Ministers meeting here.
RBI had intervened in markets last week to restrain a sharply appreciating rupee.
The Finance Minister said that if rupee continued to appreciate for longer, exports would be impacted.
"Export is definitely affected if it continues for a longer period of time," he said.
Indian rupee has appreciated by around 5 per cent this year so far, to stand at around Rs 44.36 against a dollar.
The Finance Minister said FII inflows reflects momentum in growth of Indian economy.
"One of the reasons is that when the recovery process in industrial world is slow, naturally those who have investible resources would like to come to emerging markets and confidence of Indian economy has allured the investment," he said.
Indian economy grew by 8.8 per cent in the first quarter of this fiscal, while major countries in Europe and the US are struggling to revive from the global financial crisis.
FIIs have poured in record over Rs one trillion in Indian stock markets in the current year so far.
Mukherjee favoured dialogue to resolve the issues of currency war, particularly between US dollar and Chinese Yuan, instead of confrontation.
He said he was not sure whether somebody will raise the issue at G-20 Finance Ministers meeting, and that India's stand would depend on how the issue was raised at the meeting.
Friday October 22, 05:48 PM Source: Financial Express
Sensex ends down 95 points
In choppy trade, the Bombay Stock Exchange (^BSESN : 20165.86 -94.72) benchmark Sensex fell by 95 points on selling in realty, metal and banking stocks amid mixed global trends.
The 30-share index ended lower by 94.72 points at 20,165.86 points. the barometer shuttled between 20,351.74 points and 20,088.67 points during the day.
The broad-based National Stock Exchange (^NSEI : 6066.05 -35.45) index Nifty lost 35.45 points to close at 6,066.05 points. It touched the day's high of 6,121.10 points and a low of 6,041.45 points.
Selling pressure gathered momentum on lower opening in European markets and release of Wipro (WIPRO.NS : 448.9 -21.25)'s quarterly earnings, which was short of the market expectations, brokers said.
Wipro, the third-largest software exporter, plunged the most in nine months losing Rs 21.35 to close at Rs 448.40. On the other hand, leading software exporter Tata Consultancy Services (TCS.NS : 1040.2 +54) soared to a record level of Rs 1,040.10 after strong second-quarter earnings.
Trading sentiment were partly effected as investors were circumspect amid the ongoing G-20 meeting in South Korea where officials are seeking a common path on currencies, trade and macroeconomic imbalances.
A better closing in Reliance Industries (RELIANCE.NS : 1081.8 +0.15) and Infosys Technologies (INFOSYS.BO : 3053.25 +20.1) saved the market from any major fall. The two scrips hold a weightage of 23 per cent on the index. RIL gained Rs 2.20 to Rs 1,081.45 and Infosys by Rs 20.10 to Rs 3,053.25.
In 30 BSE index components, 22 stocks were down and eight gained. The realty, FMCG, metal, auto and banking stocks were major losers, while shares in IT, teck, consumer durable and refinery sector gained and capped the losses.
Investors were seen shifting their funds to low value stocks amid current volatility. The smallcap sector index gained 0.30 per cent to 10,723.70 and midcap sector index by 0.27 per cent to 8,425.80.
Thursday October 21, 02:04 PM Source: Indian Express Finance
Rating agencies see more upgrades for India Inc
By fe Bureau
Indicating remarkable turn around in economy Crisil, a subsidiary of S&P, and Icra, an associate of Moody's Investors Service, have noted that upgrades of India Inc have significantly outnumbered the downgrades during the first half of the current fiscal.
Crisil has upgraded 253 of its outstanding ratings in the first half of 2010-11, the highest number of upgrades in any six-month period in its history. The upgrades have been on a vastly expanded base of around 5,300 outstanding ratings as on September 30, 2010, and have been broad-based-across rating categories and industries.
Though Crisil also downgraded 111 ratings during the period, these have been largely concentrated in the rating categories, 'BB' and lower.
Similarly, according to Icra, the total number of rating upgrades as a percentage of the opening issuers reported a consistent increase from 2.42% in H1, 2009-10, to 5.14% in H2, 2009-10, and further to 6.54% in H1, 2010-11.
At the same time, the total number of rating downgrades, which was at 7.25% of the opening number of issuers in H1, 2009-10, reduced marginally to 7.05% in H2, 2009-10, before declining further to 3.73% in H1, 2010-11, explained Icra.
The key reasons prompting the rating upgrades during the first six months of the current fiscal include, among other factors, improved demand conditions and prospects, better profitability, shorter working capital cycles, improved capital structures, and benign outlook for the operating environment and the financial markets, said Icra.
For Icra, the upgrades have been led by infrastructure, real estate/construction and auto ancillaries sectors while textile, real estate and metals & mining account for over one-third of the downgrades. Crisil has explained that the stronger credit quality of India's companies has been driven by robust improvement in economic activity, and a healthier funding environment.
"Domestic demand remains upbeat in most sectors and is likely to help the economy maintain a high growth rate. Moreover, the availability of funding has improved across the board: both debt and equity are more readily available now than they were 18 months ago, from the domestic and international markets. Crisil believes that the outlook for credit quality in the second half of 2010-11 is benign, with upgrades likely to significantly outnumber downgrades, said Raman Uberoi, senior director, Crisil Ratings.
However Somasekhar Vemuri, head, Crisil Ratings cautioned that while it is expected that economic growth to remain buoyant, disruptions due to factors such as protracted recovery in the global economy, build-up of inflationary expectations, or severe profitability constraints, can result in pressure on credit ratings, given the likely increase in debt because of capital expenditure.
Anti-Brahminism
Part of a series on |
Related topics |
Anti-Brahminism, also spelled as Anti-Brahmanism, is discrimination, hostility or prejudice directed against the Brahmin caste, as opposed to Anti-Hinduism which rejects Hinduism as a whole. Anti-Hindus have however taken the stance against Brahmins because they were the traditional priestly class and by antagonizing them, they may convert all Hindus.
Contents |
Examples of Anti-Brahmanism
In Islamist Dynasties
In the book, Diwan-i-Salman by Khawajah Masud bin Sa'd bin Salman wrote of the Battle of Jalandhar (Punjab):
"The narrative of any battles eclipses the stories of Rustam and Isfandiyar...By morning meal, not one soldier, not one Brahmin remained unkilled or uncaptured. Their heads were levelled with the ground with falming fire..Thou has secured the victory to the country and to religion, for amongst the Hindus this achievement will be remembered till the day of resurrection."[1]
In Mughal times Sheikh Ahmad (Mujaddid) of Sirhind wrote a letter to Mirza Darab:
"Hindu Brahmans and Greek philosophers have spent a lot of time on religion. Since their efforts were not according to the Shariyat of the prophet, they were all fools. They will remain devoid of salvation."
The Brahmins were also the target in South India from the Delhi Sultanate and that is why at the time of the Vijayanagar Empire, King King Prolaya Vema of the Reddy Dynasty gave protection to them. [2]
Firoz Shah Bahmani (in about 1398-99), according to the Tawarikh Firishtah, kidnapped 2,000 Brahmin women, who were later freed by Raja Dev Rai of Vijayanagar.[3]
Neo-Buddhism
Some Buddhists groups blame the downfall of Buddhismin India on the Brahmans while trying to deny or trying to hide from history the contributions made by the Brahmins to Buddhism. To name a few, the Bodhisattva Nagarjuna, Bodhisattva Aryasangha, and Bodhisattva Kshitagarbha. It is said that before The Buddha Himself, there were also other Buddhas and in those time periods Lord Buddha was Brahmin Suruci, Brahmin Atideva, Brahmin Ajita and there are more past Brahmin lives of The Buddha. Brahmins have significantly helped in spread the Buddha Dharma. In Tibet it was Bodhisattva Padmasambhava, in central Asia it was Kumarajiva, in mainland China it was Bodhisattva Bodhidharma and in Japan it was Bodhisena.
The jealous chauvinists are ignorant of the fact that the Buddha had Brahmin heritage. Lord Buddha is said to be a descendant of Sage Angirasa in many Buddhist texts.[4] There too were Kshatiryas of other clans to whom members descend from Angirasa, to fulfill a childless king's wish.[5]
In media
- The "Secret Circular of the Brahmin Samaj of Balaghat, a document widely disseminated by the missionaries, specially among the dalits and tribals.
- The anti-Hindu website Dalistan (now defunct), included an extensive set of documents promoting anti-Brahmin, anti-Hindu and separationist ideas. They have been widely promoted and quoted by anti-Hindu interests.
In Indian states
In Maharashtra
The anti-brahmin hate group Sambhaji Brigade attacked Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute of Maharashtra in January 2004, claiming that the Institute had defamed Shivaji. Later the Sambhaji Brigade issued statements reflecting anti-Brahmin sentiments. They also hate Ramdas Swami- a revolutionary saint from 17th century. Recently, the same organization had demanded the removal of Dadoji Konddeo from the Statue of Child Shivaji ploughing Pune's Land at Lal Mahal, Pune. They also threatened that if their demande were not met, they would demolish that part of statue by themselves.
These groups have also started a movement against the statue of Dadoji Kondedv – Kulkarni claiming that he was not early mentor of Shivaji Maharaj and issued a circular to destroy his statue in Lal Mahal of Pune. Other targets also include Lokmanya Tilak, the freedom fighter and the cricketer Sachin Tendulkar.
In Punjab
Several of the Sikh Bhagats, including Bhagat Jayadeva, Bhagat Ramananda, Bhagat Trilochan and Bhagat Surdas were all Brahmins. Further many of the other Sikh Bhagats had a Brahmin as their guru - Bhagat Dhanna, Kabir, Pipa and Ravidas had Ramananda. Kabir's daughter Kamali was married to a Brahmin.[6]
In Tamil Nadu
Tamil Nadu is home to one of the oldest Anti-Brahminism movements in India. Anti-Brahminism as opposed to popular belief was not started as Anit-Brahmin caste system. The religious and social system of orthodox Hinduism was called as Brahminism. [1]. In other words, Hinduism and Brahminism was once replaceable. Brahmins happened to be the strong and core layer to hold the Hinduism structure. The self-respect movement founded by Periyar espoused rationalism and atheism, and although Periyar had Brahmin colleagues, the movement had currents of anti-Brahminism.[7] Tamil Brahmins (Iyers and Iyengars) were frequently held responsible by followers of Periyar for direct or indirect oppression of lower-caste people; this contributed to several clashes and a gradual migration of the upper castes.[8] Later, in regards to a DK member's attempt to assassinate Rajagopalachari, Periyar "expressed his abhorrence of violence as a means of settling political differences".[9]
The legacy of the Anti-Brahmanism in the self-respect movement was taken over by the later Dravidian parties. Eventually, the virulent anti-Brahmanism subsided somewhat with the replacement of the DMK party by the AIADMK.[10] Now the AIADMK is led by the Brahmin Jayalalitha or "Amma" (mother, as her followers call her).
See also
Notes
- ^ Destruction Of Hindu Temples By Muslims - Part II by Sita Ram Goel
- ^ (Prasad, Durga, P. 180, History of the Andhras up to 1565 A. D.)
- ^ P. 67-68 Some Aspects of Ancient Indian Culture By D. R. Bhandarkar
- ^ The Life of Buddha as Legend and History, by Edward Joseph Thomas
- ^ P. 17 Classical Dictionary of Hindu Mythology and Religion, Geography, History and Literature By John Dowson
- ^ P. 91 Medieval Mysticism of India By Kshitimohan Sen
- ^ Gail Omvedt (2006), Dalit Visions: The Anti-caste Movement and the Construction on an Indian Identity, Orient Longman, ISBN 8125028951, <http://books.google.com/books?id=nvSapw8i6k8C&pg=PA95&dq=Anti-Brahmanism&ie=ISO-8859-1&output=html&sig=dvE4djhCdWEN3Siy24RioEdu-bs>
- ^ Lloyd I. Rudolph Urban Life and Populist Radicalism: Dravidian Politics in Madras The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 20, No. 3 (May, 1961), pp. 283-297
- ^ Lloyd I. Rudolph and Suzanne Hoeber Rudolph, The Modernity of Tradition: political development in India P78,University of Chicago Press 1969, ISBN 0226731375
- ^ C. J. Fuller, The Renewal of the Priesthood: Modernity and Traditionalism in a South Indian Temple P117, Princeton University Press 2003 ISBN 0691116571
References
- Politics and Social Conflict in South India, the Non-Brahman Movement and Tamil Separatism, 1916-1929. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969. By Prof. Eugene Irschik
- Editorial by Francois Gautier on anti-Brahmanism
- Article by Pdt Vamadeva Shastri (formerly David Frawley) on anti-Brahmanism
- Article from well-known anti-semitic website preaching hate against Jews and comparing Hindu Brahmins to anti-semitic stereotype(s) of Jews
Atheism in South India
Submitted by admin on 1 April, 1996 - 07:32
FINNGEIR HIORTH
Vigorous atheism in South India
Following the conferences reported elsewhere many participants moved to Madras and South India for the events organised by the Self-Respect movement or the Dravidian Association. Finngeir Hiorth, a Norwegian, is well-known for his writings on atheism and humanism
.THAT ATHEISM remains very much alive in India was clear from the visit that I paid to that country in December 1995 and January 1996. My visit finally brought me to Madras, the capital of Tamil Nadu in South India. In this state, with a population of about 58 million, most of whom are Tamils, there is a vigorous atheistic movement which is called the Self-Respect movement or Dravidian Association (Dravidar Kazhagam). The Self-Respect movement was formally established in 1929 by the legendary Tamil leader and atheist, Periyar (1879-1973}. Periyar had great talents as a leader and organiser, and he was also a capable businessman, who in the course of his long life considerably increased the wealth of his family.
Periyar was no democratic leader and those who joined his movement had to accept his leadership or stay out of the movement. Periyar vehemently attacked the brahmins, traditionally the highest Indian caste which provided most of India's numerous Hindu priests. Periyar delivered frontal attacks on the Hindu caste system and brahmin domination, Hindu myths, rituals and superstitions, including the very concept of a god.
On a statue erected at the centre of the Self-Respect movement, the Periyar Thidal, are written the words 'There is no god, there is no god, there is no god at all. He who invented god is a fool. He who propagates god is a scoundrel. He who worships god is a barbarian'. There are reportedly 500-600 similar statues in the whole of Tamil Nadu.
Since 1977, the Self-Respect movement has been led by K. Veeramani, a capable and widely respected man. In 1995 the movement sponsored about 30 institutions in three cities, Madras, Tiruchirappalli, and Thanjavur: children's homes, schools and training institutes of various kinds, a self-respect marriage bureau, a vision centre, a free legal aid centre, a centre for cancer detection, etc.
The Self-Respect movement claims to be a mass movement with 100,000 or more members. About 1,000 of these members on 10 January 1996 staged an impressive demonstration and procession in the streets of Madras carrying out various stunts and shouting 'no god, no god' and similar slogans. The process ended with a demonstration of 'fire walking'. In the evening there was a meeting with about 2,000 present listening to inflammatory and witty speeches by leading members of the movement. At the meeting a self-respect marriage was concluded and the evening was capped by a cultural programme and a dinner. About 30 foreign delegates from about 8 countries, the largest delegation being from the U.S.A., witnessed these events.
Trackback URL for this post:
http://www.iheu.org/trackback/548Countering Anti-Brahminism - I
This article is the compilation of the posts in the forum. I had
called it why? This article is an attempt to analyse the history
of the Tamil Brahmin Community, their role in history and how we
can attempt to overcome the false propaganda unleashed by vested
interests.
This is basically an exploration of ideas for countering the
prevalent anti-Brahminism in Tamil Nadu and how we can live at
peace with other communities. This is not about political power.
These questions concern the entire Tamil Brahmin community.
I was born in a village in Tamil Nadu where anti-Brahminism has
never been known. The relationship with the other communities
remains unchanged. But that is an exception.
I have spent a number of years in Tamil Nadu in recent times
interacting with people from different communities/religions and
different strata of society. I have had detached intellectual
discussions about Brahmins and anti-Brahminism with a number of
people. This article is based on that and on my research into my
roots as a Tamil Brahmin.
Now when we talk about Tamil Brahmins, we have to understand that
we are talking about a community living in different places under
different conditions.
1. The living condition of the Brahmin depended on
a. Place of stay: A Brahmin living in the fertile Cauveri delta
would have had a better living condition than the Brahmin in
Karaikudi (Ramnad district) or in Madurai, Thirunelveli,
Kanyakumari or Coimbatore.
Even here living conditions would have varied from village to
village.
b. The sect you belong to. Some of the sects were traditionally
better off.
What I have summarized is a general statement.
Actually when we come to the political reasons and the way it was
handled we will see that these made a lot of difference.
First question:
1. Tamil Brahmins have an identity problem in the sense that the
other Tamilians are reluctant to accept them as Tamilians.
Some vague reasoning given is the claim of the Brahmins to have
migrated from North India( there is absolutely no historical
data). This claim is made by almost all the South Indian
Brahmins.
If you look at the Bengali Brahmins most of them claim to be from
Kanyakubja or Kannauj in Uttar Pradesh. They have historical
records about the migration. Most of them came during the Sena
period. The Senas were South Indian Brahmins who ruled Bengal
through the 11th and 12th centuries.
They even have a sub sect called Daksinatyas who have historical
records to prove that they are South Indian in origin. Their
religious practices are typically Smarta. They send their
children to the Vedic schools in Tamil Nadu for learning Vedas.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bengali_Brahmins
All these Brahmins are accepted as Bengali.
Then why are we not accepted as Tamilians?
We can not blame the political parties alone for this. During the
December katcheris many a time I have wondered why only Telugu
songs are being sung? Many of our Carnatic musicians seem to
avoid singing in Tamil. Our community has contributed a lot to
the development of Tamil. U. V. Swaminatha Iyer, Bharathiar to
name a few.
But as a community are we committed to our Mother Tongue in
general?
Is there any other reason?
Second Question:
Tamil Brahmins are accused of dominating the society and
practicing casteism.
The state which had the worst form of untouchability was Kerala.
The Kerala Brahmins considered even other Brahmins as
untouchables. This is accepted by them. The Kerala Brahmins were
feudal landlords who owned more lands than the Tamil Brahmins
ever did. They learnt the Vedas and still practice Mimansa
rigorously. They also claim to be Aryans from North India.
But the anti Brahmin movement which was founded by a Malayali had
no effect there. The Brahmins are held in respect there even now.
Why is it?
Third question:
Maharashtra is the Birth place of Mahatma Phule who started a
social reform movement which was basically Anti-Brahmin.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jyotirao_Phule
It is also the place where Babasaheb Ambedkar started his
movement.
Though the political system has seen struggle between Brahmins
and others there is no anti-Brahmin feeling in Maharashtra like
we have in Tamil Nadu.
Why is there a general anti-Brahmin feeling in Tamil Nadu?
In most of the cities we have a Maharashtra Nivas, Malayali
Samaj, and Bengali association where all the Maharashtrians,
Malaylis, and Bengalis gather irrespective of caste. How come the
Tamilians are not able to do it?
Tamil Brahmins and Tamil.
The Tamil Brahmins are called Tamil Brahmins because their mother
tongue is Tamil. We are first Tamils and then only Brahmins. The
Bengalis, Malayalis, Maharashtrians, Telugus, Kannadigas are
first Bengalis, Malayalis, Maharashtrians, Telugus, Kannadigas
and then only their caste.
I sometimes wonder whether the Tamil Brahmins have placed their
Brahminhood before being a Tamilian. Once you move out of Tamil
Nadu you are classified as Tamilian whatever may be your caste.
Tamil is the oldest spoken living language in the world. I feel
proud to be a Tamilian. I took part in the old anti-Hindi
agitation ( I was on leave from a college in North India) and
took a caning by the police too. I can speak Hindi and many other
Indian languages fluently. But my mother tongue is Tamil.
We all know very well that Tamil Brahmins have contributed and
continue to contribute to the development of Tamil. We may not
agree with the so called Tamil culture enunciated by some groups.
But that does not make a difference.
The first thing we have to accept and emphasize that we are
Tamils first and then only Brahmins. Fact is you do not speak any
other language and very few are conversant with Sanskrit which is
not spoken anywhere.
So if we want acceptance we have to unequivocally state to
everyone that we are Tamilians first and then only anything else.
In simple terms we have to think on the question whether we
consider ourselves a Tamilian first or a Brahmin first.
We should think of ourself as a Tamilian first.
This is the first step in countering Ant-Brahminism in Tamil
Nadu.
We have to understand the relationship between Tamil and
Hinduism. And why some of the Tamil Brahmins show indifference to
Tamil. Tamil language has been associated with Hinduism from
ancient times. Kamba Ramayanam is one of the important Hindu
texts through which Valmiki's Ramayana was brought to the common
man.
There is a Puranam in Tamil. Peria Puranam. And then we have the
great Nalayira Dhivya Prabhandam. The Bhakti movement in India
was started by the Nayanmars and Azhwars.
Bhakti movement rejuvenated Hinduism and lead its resurgence
among the common people. Bhakti movements were rooted in local
languages. The traditionalists had opposed the Bhakti movement
calling it non-Vaidhik. Though most of the Hindus today believe
in Bhakti, the opposition still continues as it does not
emphasize rituals. Another reason for opposition to the Bhakti
movement arose because it does not emphasize the Varna division.
Many of the Azhwars and Nayanmars were not Brahmins.
In Tamil Nadu this was projected by the traditionalists as Tamil
versus Sanskrit.
The older generation of Brahmins were more interested in Tamil.
Many of them were scholars in Tamil and Sanskrit. But later on
Tamil came to be associated with the anti-Brahmin movement. This
was an extremely clever strategy to isolate the Tamil Brahmins
from the other communities. We shall see how this strategy was
used to isolate the Brahmins.
Hinduism like all older religions has thousands of divisions. The
Christians call their divisions as denominations. Historians call
our divisions as sects. But this word sect does not convey the
proper meaning.
The Orthodox Hindu Philosophy has six divisions or Dharsanas. The
term Orthodox here means that all of them believe in the Vedas.
In fact it may come as a surprise to some of you that the terms
Aasthika and Nashthika means Believer and non-believer in Vedas.
These terms have nothing to do with belief in a supreme GOD.
Now there is a term which Tamil Brahmins use often. That is
Vaidhika Marga. Some of our Acharyas have the title Vaidhika
Marga Pravartaka. This means the way of the Vedas. An
interpretation of this is that this is the way of the Karma Kanda
or the Ritualistic section of the Vedas. This school of thought
is basically Purva Mimansa.
This school over the period of ages has accepted the thoughts of
the Advaita Vedanta school with a condition that the most
important thing are the Rituals. This ritualistic religion over a
period of time has come to be called Brahminism though it is a
misnomer. It is the emergence of the Smarta religion which lead
to the unification of the numerous sects. But the Smarta
religion's core beliefs were founded on Smiritis and Varnashrama
Dharma. I am not going into details here as it is not really
relevant.
The Smarta religion also brought into vogue religious
organizations. The different Maths and Peetams emerged. The main
maths for the Smartas are the Sankara Maths. Though originally
only four later on a number of them came up. Today it is
estimated that there are more than fifty. Following this
tradition the Vaishnavas also set up a number of Maths. Though
all these organizations were controlled by Brahmins, the
followers included people from all castes. But at a later stage
some of the other forward castes set up their own Maths. These
non-Brahmin Maths also believe in the Varna system.
These are what could be called organized Hindu religion. The
organized Hindu religion has been responsible for the survival of
Hinduism. When there was a protest against Varna system it was
basically a protest against these organizations.
Now zooming to the last two hundred years with specific reference
to Tamil Nadu. The Brahmins in Tamil Nadu are mostly affiliated
to Shringeri Math, Kanchi Math and the various Vaishnava Jeers.
They all swear by the Varna system though a section of the
Vaishnavas are exceptions. Again here the hold of the Shringeri
math is not rigid because of its situation in Karnataka. Its
influence among the common Brahmins is rather limited. The
followers are mostly from the southern districts of Tamil Nadu.
Kanchi Math being situated earlier in Kumbakonam and then in
Kanchipuram has a direct influence among the Brahmins. It has
also gained adherents from the Shringeri math followers in the
last five decades.
The largest Non-Brahmin Maths of Tamil Nadu are the Saiva
Siddhanta Adheenams. These arose because of the large following
for Saiva Siddhanta in Tamil Nadu. They have a number of
different Maths spread all over the state. These are called
Adheenams. Though there are a number of followers of Saiva
Siddhanta among the Brahmins, they are a very small minority
among the Brahmins and a much smaller minority among the
followers of Saiva Siddhanta. These Maths are very powerful as
they control many of the Siva temples in Tamil Nadu.
There are many Brahmins who believe that Brahmins controlled the
temples in Tamil Nadu. The fact is that even in Tanjore and
Trichy districts most of the important temples were under
Dharmapuram Adheenam (28 temples allover Tamil Nadu Example:
Thiruvaiyaru, Thiruvidaimarudur, Thiruvarur, Sirkali,
Vaitthisvaran koyil, Thirukkadaiyur, Mayiladuturai),
Tiruvavaduthurai Adheenam and the family of the last Tanjore king
Serboji.
Now we come to the crucial point. The organized Brahmin Maths
have refused to accept the Saiva Siddhanta religion. Saiva
Siddhanta is a very old religion based on Saiva Agamas. The
Agamas are theological treatises and practical manuals of divine
worship. You can read about them here.
http://www.dlshq.org/religions/agamas.htm
The temples are constructed according to Agama Sastra and the
worship is also according to Agama Sastra.
Saiva Siddhanta has over the years has all the religious texts in
Tamil which they follow. Many of these texts were written by the
Nayanmars many of whom were Brahmins. The Vaishnavas also have
the Tamil texts from the Azwars. Over a period of time
Subramanya/Muruga has assumed the role of Thamizh Kadvul.
Again a large population of Tamil Nadu worship Gods/Goddesses
like Madan, Isakki, Muniappan, Karuppanna swamy, Mariamman, Kali
and others. Though many Brahmins also worship these
Gods/Goddesses the organized religion does frown on worship of
these deities. The worship in many of these temples are done by
Pujaris who are not Brahmins. They also worship in Tamil.
When the DK launched their rationalist movement they were careful
not to attack Siva and Muruga or Mariamman. They attacked only
the so called Brahminical Gods. The rationalist movement failed
because the believers were not only Brahmins but also other
castes.
But the DMK chose to place more emphasis on Tamil than atheism.
Initially this got them a lot of support among all the castes
including Brahmins. A number of Brahmins did take part in the
Anti-Hindi agitation and are Tamil lovers/fanatics (I am). We
should remember that the first person who changed his name from
Sanskrit to Tamil was Suryanarayana Sasthiri a Brahmin to
Paruthimal Kalaignan. The purest Tamil ( you could call it
Chenthamizh or kadumthamizh) in recent Tamil literature was
written by the great Na. Parthasarathy.
But basically DMK projected all Brahmins as anti Tamil. Thus they
got the support of the Saiva Siddhanta Sannidhanams and the other
castes who worshipped Shiva and the village deities. They
supported and continue to support the Dravidian parties mainly
because of the Brahmin's refusal to accept their religion as
Hinduism. Thus we find that anything about Hinduism in Tamil Nadu
is restricted to Brahmins.
The Brahmins also helped their cause by propagating the Aryan
Myth. This enabled the DMK to project everyone other than the
Brahmins as Dravidian. The Brahmins of South India were called
Dravida Brahmins in the Puranas. Even today the surname of Dravid
is that of a Brahmin. Caldwell chose this term from the Puranas.
Lokamanya Bala Gangadhara Tilak was one of the exponents of the
Aryan theory. Though Phule tried to use this in his anti Brahmin
movement, he was not successful because of lack of support from
the Mahrattas with whom the Brahmins had good relationship.
The Tamil Brahmins had a lot of influence in the press owning
most of the major newspapers. But unfortunately they have allowed
the Aryan/Dravidian myth to continue. One of the reasons could be
that many of them believe in it.
If we want live in peace in Tamil Nadu the racially charged Aryan
myth has to be exploded. We are all Dravidians. Yes. That is what
the Puranas say.
Tamil Brahmins and the then prevalent social and economic
situation.
We have very little factual information about the status of the
Tamil Brahmins before the English came to India. There were
Brahmin Ministers and officials in under the Kings. There were
also landlords who had inherited lands which were in most cases
donated by the Kings. But a vast majority of them were middle
class or poor. They stayed in Agraharams and were mostly
dependent on the temples for their livelihood.
The most important thing is that they were not considered a
threat by the other castes in the pursuit of money and power.
When the East India company came as traders, the first people to
benefit were the trading community from the other castes. They
made tonnes of money as Dubashis, custom agents and middlemen.
In an agricultural society like India it is the landowners who
are the bosses. The caste based hierarchy never represented the
balance of power. In a feudal system the Kings rule. They appoint
people to look after their interests. They were called by many
names. In most cases these people were also responsible for
collection of revenue.
Though there were some Brahmin land lords, they were very few. In
the village it is the landlords who were/are the real power. They
got the farming done by labourers who were from all castes. The
services were provided by iron smiths, carpenters and others.
But in the day to day life of the people the Brahmin was not
involved. All of them accepted that the Brahmins were the final
authority in respect of religion. But even in the day to day
running of the temples, the Dharma Kartha who was mostly from one
of the land owning castes decided all issues.
The Rishis/Seers never envisaged Brahmins as a ruling class. That
was left to Kshatriyas. Trading was left to Vysyas. Only in
respect of religion Brahmins were supreme. If the Brahmins wanted
to rule India they could have had the caste system with the
Brahmins as rulers. The fact that they did not do it shows that
they were not interested in power.
I do not understand why this basic fact has not been highlighted
by any of the Brahmin scholars.
Conditions in Tamil Nadu and Migrations
Again there are many who believe that everything was honey and
milk in Tamil Nadu before the advent of the British. An ideal
society. I only wish it were true.
But history reveals otherwise. I had done some research about the
migration of Tamil Brahmins to other states. But it is very
difficult if not impossible to obtain information about the state
of affairs in Tamil Nadu before the British. Especially with
regard to Tamil Brahmins.
There is historical evidence of migration of Tamil Brahmins from
Tanjore district to Palghat. The Palghat king had fallen foul of
the local Malayali Brahmins. He invited the Tamil Brahmins from
Tamil Nadu and gave them lot of land. I was able to trace some
families back to Raja Mannargudi.
But the question is why did they leave Mannargudi? Palghat is not
a neighbouring town. We could find some plausible reasons for the
Tamil Brahmins from Thirunelveli and Ramnad district going to
Travancore. These two districts are drought prone and Travancore
was part of the then Pandi Nadu. It is also not very far.
But from Mannargudi to Palghat. Mannargudi is fertile land of the
Cauveri delta. We have had a better presence there than in most
places. Then WHY? Again why from Tanjore and not from the
neighboring Kongu Nadu?
Again it was not an easy decision. Even after more than a couple
of centuries they are being called Paradeshi Brahmins. So you can
imagine their situation when they originally migrated.
And the number of people involved were not small as they had set
up a number of villages.
The only possible reason is that it was a question of survival.
About our position the very fact that no other community migrated
in India like we did speaks volumes.
Tamil Brahmins and English education. Its effect.
Some of the Tamil Brahmins had learnt Telugu earlier to please
the Telugu rulers and get employment. Have you ever wondered why
the great Carnatic musicians wrote their compositions mainly in
Telugu and Sanskrit. Because they needed patronage and wrote in
languages understood by the then rulers.
Later when the British government introduced English education in
India the Brahmins in Tamil Nadu were the first community to go
for it. Why? If the Brahmins were the dominant community like the
Malayali Brahmins, what was the necessity for education in a
foreign language? The Malayali Brahmins never went for it in a
big way. The Tamil Brahmin community was in a poor way. They were
migrating to the neighboring states like Travancore, Cochin,
Palakkad, and Mysore wherever they received any encouragement.
The Tamil Brahmins took to English education as a means of
survival. Even here the rich and the poor did not do it. The rich
did not need it and poor could not even afford this. The middle
class took it up in a big way to improve their lot.
Later when the Independence movement was launched the Tamil
Brahmin community took an active role and thus they also became
politically powerful. They took up social reforms.
They did so well that for the first time in the history of Tamil
Nadu, this community came to be looked upon with envy. There was
a lot of resentment.
As long as the Brahmins kept to their Agraharams and were
bothered only about the temple pujas, no one had any problem. We
all know the status of the Purohitas and Archakas even today in
our community. They are employees of the Yajaman. The Yajamans
who were from other castes were all happy with the Brahmins when
the Brahmins only performed Pujas for them.
The organized religion was also extremely unhappy with the spread
of English education because they were losing their hold. But
they had to be satisfied with the allegiance of the rich (who
were their patrons) and the poor who were dependent on them. But
they could not prevent the Tamil Brahmins from breaking free of
the shackles which had bound them for generations. The middle
class still paid lip service to them.
The other forward castes did not take up the English education in
a big way, because there was no necessity. They were the
landlords and traders.
Take the case of Gujarati and Rajasthani Brahmins. They are
nowhere in the picture in those states. They did not get
themselves educated and ended up as cooks in rich houses. All
Marwaris have only Brahmin cooks. They call them Maharaj. They
have Brahmin Munshis also.
Tamil Brahmins broke this mold.
Again to emphasize a point the other castes did not bother as
long as a few Brahmin landlords were there. What they found
difficult to countenance was the son of the local Brahmin priest
or cook becoming a judge.
Imagine the shock of the Dharma Karta of a temple who is also the
biggest landlord of the place, when he finds that son of the poor
priest in his temple is the local collector.
The Tamil Brahmins also were in the fore front for women's
education, rights, abolition of child marriage and in the
struggle of the deprived section of the society. It was one
Vaidyanatha Iyer who led all the castes into the Madurai temple.
By acquiring English education the Tamil Brahmins changed the
status quo. And to top it all the Brahmins did too well for the
liking of the other castes. Most of you would have heard people
saying "He does not know his place". What they mean is the place
in society. By acquiring English education we toppled the apple
cart. By joining the independence movement and being pioneers in
social reforms, we had started a social revolution.
As long as the Brahmins restricted themselves to only religion
there was no problem. A few Brahmins becoming rulers did not make
much of a difference. But when an entire Brahmin community takes
to English Education and starts competing for the secular space,
it is nothing but a revolution.
The rich and the powerful Brahmins getting English education made
no difference, but poor Brahmins, it created resentment in the
other communities.
I still vividly remember the time when I was in the committee to
interview for a peon's post. One of the candidates was a Brahmin
( not Tamil). He was employed as a junior priest in a local
temple. The custom there is that the priest only throws the
Prasadam and would not even touch you.
When asked why he wanted this job, he replied that "respect and
reverence can not fill empty stomachs."
This is the reason for our migration and taking on English
education.
After all, ritual status alone cannot keep a particular caste in
a particular position in the caste hierarchy. A strong economic
base is equally important.
1. What percentage of Brahmins took up English education?
We say Tamil Brahmins took up English education in a big way. But
what is the percentage of Brahmins who took up this? It is true
that compared to other communities we had more people taking it
up. But because the number of schools and colleges were very
small to start with, the actual number was not very big.
Again it is not true that the majority of the Tamil Brahmins took
it up. If they had done it, the community would not facing the
situation we have today. The fact is that only a small minority
of Brahmins took up English education.
The reasons are not far to seek.
1. Traditional Brahminical religion was opposed to it. Many
traditional Brahmins refused to send their children to English
schools till later in the day.
2. Many could not afford it.
A story which was often stressed by my parents was that of Sir.
Sivaswamy Iyer who is reputed to have studied under the street
lamp. Such legends inspired the later generation of Brahmins.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sir_P._S._Sivaswami_Iyer
3. Many of the rich were not interested. I have heard statement
"munu thalaimurakku soddhu irukku. paithiyakkaran mari ur vittu
ur poy padikkanama?"
4. Many were not intelligent enough for it.
There is pre-conceived notion that the majority of the Brahmins
were English-educated. I only wish it were true. Brahmins lagged
behind some of the other communities in sending their girls to
school.
There were about 300 Brahmin house in our village. Out of these
in the early 1940s there were hardly 15 to 20 graduates. I would
estimate that the percentage of Brahmins who had the benefit of
English education especially in the early stages would not be
more than 10%. Could be far less.
2. What is the time period?
From my and other family annals I estimate that the English
education especially at the college level started right from
1854. We could get exact dates from college records. But it does
not matter.
But Tamil Brahmins did have education even before the British
started the colleges. India had its own schools. They did very
well there and were employed by the Kings in their service. I was
talking only about English education which helped them secure
employment under the British.
Comparison with Marathi and Bengali Brahmins.
The only Brahmin community in India which was powerful before the
advent of the British were the Chitpavan Brahmins from
Maharashtra. Though the Mahrattas were the rulers the real rulers
were the Peshvas.
http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-46988/India
The Peshvas built the Maratta empire and undoubtedly were the
most powerful Brahmins India had seen for a long time. But even
here the Chitpavan Brahmins were not prominent till Balaji
Visvanath Bhat came on the scene.
In Bengal the most educated community are not the Brahmins, but
the Kayasthas. (Bose, Ghosh).
Again the Sena Dynasty ruled Bengal through the 11th and 12th
centuries. They were Brahmins from South India. They called
themselves Brahma Kshatriyas. They reintroduced orthodox Hinduism
in Bengal. They brought the Brahmins from Kanya Kubja and South
India and gave them lands. They were one of the last Hindu kings
of Bengal. So there were many Brahmin families with large land
holdings. If you look closely you will find that Brahmins like
Raja Ram Mohan Roy were big landlords. The Brahmins had a lot of
power as Jamindars. I know many Brahmin families in Bengal who
have been rich for centuries.
Their closest competitors in the caste hierarchy in Bengal are
the Kayasthas. Kayasthas are also considered as Brahmins in some
regions. They were called Kayastha Brahmins. Other Kayastha
surnames in North India as Srivastava, Saxena. Dr. Rajendra
Prasad and Lal Bahadur Sasthri were Kayasthas.
A bit confusing, but they were always allied/identified with the
Brahmins. The Brahmins and Kayasthas form a sizable percentage of
Bengalis.
Other than the Bengalis the Maharashtrian Brahmins went for
English education. But then they have been ruling for some
centuries with the Mahrattas. They had been working together for
generations in ruling parts of India. The Peshvas were extremely
politically savvy people. That is why in places like Indore (
Holkars), Gwalior (Scindias) they chose local Maratta chieftains
to be Kings and not Brahmins.
Kings in Tamil Nadu
Tamil Nadu did not even have a Tamil King for centuries.
After the demise of the Vijayanagar empire we did not have any
powerful Hindu Kings in South India. The Muslims had become quite
powerful. The Bahmini Sultans, Sultans of Bijapur and Golkonda,
Nawabs of Carnatic became powerful.
Thirumalai Naik was the last powerful King in Tamil Nadu. The
Mahrattas ruled Tanjore for a long time. These two dynasties did
patronize the Brahmins.
In the absence of powerful and rich Hindu Kings, temples came to
be neglected. The Kings provided patronage when they had the time
and the money. But most of the Kings were fighting for survival.
They had a tough time even paying the soldiers.
The relationship between the Kings and the Brahmins is a strange
one to say the least. In the Mahabharata when Arjuna and gang
went to Drowpathi's Swayamvara dressed as Brahmins, were they
accepted as equal or treated with reverence and respect?
How did king Draupadha treat Dronacharya?
Continued in Part II
Last edited by Nacchinarkiniyan; 08-12-2008 at 09:39 PM. Reason: text not wrapping.
யாதும் ஊரே யாவரும் கேளிர்.
நச்சிநார்கினியன்.
http://www.tamilbrahmins.com/articles-guides/1743-countering-anti-brahminism-i.html
Dravidistan
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Dravida Nadu was also the name of a Tamil language publication started by C. N. Annadurai.
Dravidistan, Dravidasthan, or Dravida Nadu (Tamil: திராவிட நாடு) was the name of a proposed sovereign state for all non-Brahmin speakers of Dravidian languages in South Asia. Initially, the demand of Dravida Nadu proponents was limited to Tamil-speaking region, but later, it was expanded to include other states with Dravidian speakers in majority (Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, and Karnataka.[1]) Some of the proponents also included parts of Ceylon (Sri Lanka),[2] Orissa and Maharashtra.[3] Other names for the proposed sovereign state included "South India", "Deccan Federation" and "Dakshinapath".[4][5]
The movement for Dravidistan was at its height from 1940s to 1960s, but failed to find any support outside Tamil Nadu.[6][7] Even in Tamil Nadu, where the anti-Hindi agitations attracted many supporters, there was no serious demand on the part of the common people for a sovereign Dravidian state.[8][9]
The reorganization of the Indian states along linguistic lines through the States Reorganisation Act of 1956 weakened the separatist movement.,[10] and the prominent Tamil leader E. V. Ramaswamy gave up the demand for Dravidistan in 1956.[11] The movement was continued by the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, which formally gave up its demand for a separate sovereign state in 1963.
Contents[hide] |
[edit] Background
Southern portion of the Madras Presidency in 1909The concept of Dravidistan had its root in the anti-Brahmin movement in Tamil Nadu, whose aim was to end the alleged Brahmin dominance in the Tamil society and government. The early demands of this movement were social equality, and greater power and control.[12] However, over the time, it came to include a separatist movement, demanding a sovereign state for the Tamil people. The major political party backing this movement was the Justice Party, which came to power in the Madras Presidency in 1921.
Since the late 19th century, the anti-Brahmin Tamil leaders had stated that the non-Brahmin Tamils were the original inhabitants of the Tamil-speaking region.[13] The Brahmins, on the other hand, were described not only as oppressors, but even as a foreign power, on par with the British colonial rulers.[14]
The prominent Tamil leader, E. V. Ramasami (popularly known as "Periyar") stated that the Tamil society was free of any societal divisions before the arrival of Brahmins, whom he described as Aryan invaders. Periyar was an atheist, and considered the Indian nationalism as "an atavistic desire to endow the Hindu past on a more durable and contemporary basis".[15]
The proponents of Dravidistan constructed elaborate historical anthropologies to support their theory that the Dravidian-speaking areas once had a great non-Brahmin polity and civilization, which had been destroyed by the Aryan conquest and Brahmin hegemony.[14] This led to an idealization of the ancient Tamil society before its contact with the "Aryan race", and led to a surge in the Tamil nationalism.[13] Periyar expounded the Hindu epic Ramayana as a disguised historical account of how the Aryans subjugated the Tamils ruled by Ravana.[16] Some of the separatists also posed Saivism as an indigenous, even non-Hindu religion.
The Indian National Congress, a majority of whose leaders were Brahmins, came to be identified as Brahmin party.[12] Periyar, who had joined Congress in 1919, became disillusioned with what he considered as the Brahminic leadership of the party.[13] The link between Brahmins and Congress became a target of the growing Tamil nationalism.
In 1925, Periyar launched the Self-respect movement, and by 1930, he was formulating the most radical "anti-Aryanism".[14] The rapport between the Justice Party and the Self-Respect movement of Periyar (who joined the party in 1935) strengthen the anti-Brahmin and anti-North sentiment. In 1937-38, Hindi and Hindustani were introduced as new subjects in the schools, when C. Rajagopalachari of Congress became the Chief Minister of Madras Presidency. This led to widespread protests in the Tamil-speaking region, which had a strong independent linguistic identity. Periyar saw the Congress imposition of Hindi in government schools as further proof of an Aryan conspiracy.[15]
[edit] Characteristics and pre-cursors
At the 14th Confederation of the Justice Party held in Madras in 1938, rules and regulations, or precursors of a Dravida Nadu were adopted. The objectives were defined as: to attain Purna Swaraj and complete control for Dravida Nadu in social, economic and industrial, and commercial fields; to liberate Dravida Nadu and Dravidians from exploitation and domination by non-Dravidian foreigners; to acquire for the citizens of Dravida Nadu without discrimination on account of caste and class and inequalities arising there from, in law and society, equal rights and equal opportunities; to remove from the Dravidian people the sense of difference and superstitious beliefs existing in the name of religion, customs, and traditions and unite them as a society of people with a liberal outlook and intellectual development, and to get proportionate representation in all fields till the achievement of these objectives and until the people who have a sense of caste, religious and class differences cooperate with the party in full confidence and goodwill.[17][18] Thus, Periyar also stated that "Self Respect should come before self-rule".[19]The characteristics of the separate Dravida Nadu was described by Periyar as: the area then comprising Madras Presidency; system of passport to enter the state; duty on goods from other provinces and entry with permit; demarcation of boundaries according to the needs and convenience of Dravida Nadu; and continuing an existing system of defense till grant of full independence. He also assured religious freedom to Muslims, Christians, Buddhists and others within this area.[20] On the same accord, the separation of religion and politics was a part of this leaving religion as a matter of individual belief. It was made clear that the political movement should not be used for religious propaganda.[21]
[edit] Recognition and non-recognition
In December 1938, the Justice Party Convention passed a resolution stressing Tamil people's right to a separate sovereign state, under the direct control of the Secretary of State for India in London.[22]In 1939, Periyar organized the Dravida Nadu Conference for the advocacy of a separate, sovereign and federal republic of Dravida Nadu.[23] In a speech on December 17, 1939, he raised the slogan "Dravida Nadu for Dravidians", which replaced the earlier slogan "Tamil Nadu for Tamils". In 1940, the South Indian Liberal Federation (Justice Party) passed a resolution demanding a sovereign state of Dravidistan.[24]
Periyar was clear about the concept of a separate multi-linguistic nation, comprising of Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam and Kannada areas, that is roughly corresponding to the then existing Madras Presidency with adjoining areas into a federation guaranteeing protection of minorities, including religious, linguistic, and cultural freedom of the people. The proposition was made with a view to safeguarding the national self-respect of Dravidians threatened by Indo-Aryan culture, language, political leadership, and business interests. A separatist conference was held in June 1940 at Kanchipuram when Periyar released the map of the proposed Dravida Nadu. With the promised grant of full self-government after World War II, and posed another threat to the Indian Freedom Movement However, it failed to get British approval. On the contrary, Periyar received sympathy and support from people such as Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar and Muhammad Ali Jinnah for his views on the Congress, and for his opposition to Hindi. They then decided to convene a movement to resist the Congress.[25][26] By the 1940s, Periyar supported Muslim League's claim for a separate Pakistan, and expected its support in return.[27] In an interview with the Governor of Madras, Jinnah, the main leader of Muslim League, said that India should be divided into four regions: Dravidistan, Hindustan, Bengalistan and Pakistan; Dravidistan would approximately consist of the area under the Madras Presidency.[28] Jinnah stated "I have every sympathy and shall do all to help, and you establish Dravidistan where the 7 per cent Muslim population will stretch its hands of friendship and live with you on lines of security, justice and fairplay."[29]
In July 1940, a secession committee was formed at the Dravida Nadu Secession Conference held in Kanchipuram. On August 24, 1940, the Tiruvarur Provincial Conference resolved that Dravda Nadu should be an independent state (thani-naadu).[30] The proponents of Dravidistan also sought to associate and amalgamate Tamil Islam within a supposedly more ancient Dravidian religion, which threatened the Islamic identity of Tamil Muslims, some of whom had earlier supported the demand for a sovereign Dravidistan movement.[31]
In August 1941, Periyar declared that the agitation for Dravida Nadu was being temporarily stopped. The reason cited was that it was necessary to help the government in its war efforts. The agitation would be renewed after the conclusion of the war. Even though the agitation for Dravida Nadu was being stopped, the demand was very much intact. When the Cripps Mission visited India, a delegation of the Justice Party, comprising Periyar, W. P. A. Soundarapandian Nadar, Samiappa Mudaliar and Muthiah Chettiar, met the members of the Cripps Mission on March 30, 1942, and placed before them the demand for a separate Dravidian nation.[32] The demand was rebuffed by Cripps, who told them that such a demand would be possible only through a resolution in the Madras legislature or through a general referendum.[33][34]
In August 1944, Periyar created a new party called Dravidar Kazhagam out of the Justice Party, at the Salem Provincial Conference. The creation of a separate non-Brahmin Dravidian nation was a central aim of the party.[15] In 1944, when Periyar met the Dalit leader B. R. Ambedkar to discuss join initiatives, Ambedkar stated that the idea of Dravidistan was applicable to entire India, since "Brahminism" was "a problem for the entire subcontinent".[15]
At the Dravidar Kazhagam State Conference in Tiruchi in the 1940s, prominent Tamil leader C. N. Annadurai stated that it was necessary to divide India racially to prevent "violent revolutions" in future, that according to him, had been prevented due to the British occupation of India.[35]
On July 1, 1947, the separatist Tamil leaders celebrated the "Dravida Nadu Secession Day".[30] On July 13, 1947, they passed a resolution in Tiruchirapalli demanding an independent Dravidistan. On July 16, Mahatma Gandhi expressed his opposition to the demand.[36] Also in 1947, Jinnah refused to help Periyar to help create a Dravidastan.[37]
When India achieved Independence in August 1947, Periyar saw it as a sad event that marked the transfer of power to "Aryans", while Annadurai considered as a step towards an independent Dravida Nadu, and celebrated it. Over the time, disputes arose between the two leaders. They fell out after Periyar anointed his young wife to as his successor to lead the party, superseding senior party leaders.
[edit] Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam
C. N. Annadurai, a separatist leader, who gave up his demand for a sovereign Dravidian state in 1962-63In 1949, Annadurai and other leaders split up and established Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam. Annadurai was initially more radical than Periyar in his demand for a separate Dravidistan.[38] In highlighting the demand for Dravida Nadu, the economics of exploitation by the Hindi-speaking, Aryan, Brahminical North was elaborated upon. It was contended that Dravida Nadu had been transformed into a virtual marketplace for north Indian products. And, thus, Annadurai explained that to change this situation, a separate Dravida Nadu must be demanded. Throughout the 1940s, Periyar spoke along the lines of a trifurcation of India, that is dividing the existing geographical region into Dravida Nadu (Dravidistan), Muslim India (Pakistan), and Aryan Land (Hindustan). In public meetings that he addressed between March and June 1940, he projected the three-nation doctrine as the only solution which could end the political impasse in the country.[39]
In 1950, Periyar stated that Dravidistan, if it comes into being, will be a friendly and helpful state to India.[40] When the political power in Tamil Nadu shifted to the non-Brahmin K. Kamaraj in the 1950s, EVR's DK supported the Congress ministry.[41] In late 1950s and early 1960s, the Dravida Nadu proponents changed their demand for an independent Dravida Nadu to an independent Tamil Nadu, as they didn't receive any support from the non-Tamil Dravidian-speaking states.[42] Periyar changed the banner in his magazine Viduthalai from "Dravida Nadu for Dravidians" to "Tamil Nadu for Tamils".
The reorganization of the Indian states along linguistic lines through the States Reorganisation Act of 1956 weakened the separatist movement.[10] In June–July 1956, the founder of Kazhagam, E. V. Ramaswamy , declared that he had given up the goal of Dravidistan.[11]
However, by this time, DMK had taken over from DK as the main bearer of the separatist theme.[43] Unlike Khalistan and other separatist movements in Republic of India, DMK never considered violence as a serious option to achieve a separate Dravidistan.[14]
DMK's slogan of Dravidistan found no support in any state of India other than Tamil Nadu.[6][7] The non-Tamil Dravidian speakers perceived the ambitions of the Tamil politicians as hegemonic, ultimately leading to the failure of the Dravidistan concept.[44] Even in Tamil Nadu, the common people did not seriously support the idea of a separate Dravidian state.[8] C. Rajagopalachari, the former Chief Minister of Madras State, stated that the DMK plea for Dravidistan should not be taken seriously.[45]
[edit] Decline
DMK leaders K. A. Mathialagan, V. P. Raman, C. N. Annadurai and M. Karunanidhi with RajajiThe decline in support for the Dravida Nadu within the DMK can be traced back to as early as the Tiruchi party conference in 1956, when the party decided to compete in the Tamil Nadu state assembly elections of 1957.[14] E.V.K. Sampath, who was leading a faction within DMK, argued that Dravida Nadu was "not feasible".[14] However, the party did state Dravida Nadu a "long-range goal" during the elections.[46] The political observers doubted the seriousness of their demand for a sovereign state, and stated that the demand for a separate Dravida Nadu was just a side issue, and a slogan to catch the imagination of an emotional public.[14][47] In the 1957 elections, DMK managed to win only 15 of the 205 seats in the state assembly.[43]
In 1958, V. P. Raman, a Brahmin leader, joined the party and became a strong opponent of the Dravida Nadu concept. In November 1960, the DMK leaders, including Raman, decided to delete the demand of Dravida Nadu from the party programme at a meeting held in absence of Annadurai. Political scientist Sten Widmalm writes, "It seems that the more the party distanced itself from the demand for Dravida Nadu, the more it was supported."[14] In the 1962 election, DMK more than tripled its seats, winning 50 seats to the State Legislative Assembly, but still could not displace the Congress from power.
On September 17, 1960, a "Dravida Nadu Separation Day" was observed, which resulted in arrests of Annadurai and his associates.[48] The demand for a sovereign Tamil state was considered as a threat of Balkanization to India,[49] and also raised concerns among the Sinhalese politicians in Sri Lanka. In 1962, a Sinhalese M.P. stated in the Parliament: "The Sinhalese are the minority in Dravidistan. We are carrying on a struggle for our national existence against the Dravidistan majority."[50]
Annadurai, who had been elected to the upper house of Indian parliament (Rajya Sabha) in 1962, reiterated DMK's demand for independence for Dravida Nadu in his maiden speech on May 1, 1962. However, at the time of Sino-Indian War of 1962, he proclaimed that his party would stand up for the integrity and unity of India.[8] A faction of DMK contended that the party should publicly abandon the demand for Dravida Nadu.[51]
In 1963, on the recommendation of the Committee on National Integration and Regionalism of the National Integration Council, the Indian parliament unanimously passed the Sixteenth Amendment to the Constitution, which sought to "prevent the fissiparous, secessionist tendency in the country engendered by regional and linguistic loyalties and to preserve the unity, sovereignty, and territorial integrity" of India. This was essentially in response to the separatist movement demanding a sovereign Dravidistan.[41][52]
At a party conference in 1963, DMK formally dropped the secessionist demand,[53] but also asserted that it will continue to address the issues that led it frame its demand for separation earlier.[54] The Sino-Indian war doesn't seem to be a decisive factor in dropping the demand for Dravida Nadu; prominent DMK leaders Era Sezhiyan and Murasoli Maran have stated that the demand for Dravida Nadu had been dropped in practice before 1962.[14] Maran explained that the there was not really enough support for Dravida Nadu in Tamil Nadu at the time, and it was concluded that there was no use pursuing the demand.[14] He declared "I am Tamil first but I am also an Indian. Both can exist together provided there is space for cultural nationalism."[14] Era Sezhiyan declared that it was impossible to continue to demand Dravida Nadu when the policy lacked support even in the Tamil-speaking areas, let alone Kannada, Telugu and Malayalam-speaking areas.[14] Sezhiyan was a member of the committee that wrote the new party programme, which omitted the demand for Dravida Nadu. Sezhiyan stated that it was more practical to demand a higher degree of autonomy for Tamil Nadu instead.
After DMK decided to relinquish its demand for Dravida Nadu, it devoted more attention to the language issue (anti-Hindi agitations), and the 1962 election figures were almost exactly reversed in the subsequent 1967 elections.[14] In 1962, the Congress had won the majority of seats, while DMK managed to win only 50 seats. In 1967, DMK won a clear majority of 138 seats, while Congress won only 50 seats. DMK came to power with Annadurai as the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu.
In 1980s, a minor militant organizaton called Tamil Nadu Liberation Army revived the demand for Dravida Nadu, when the Indian Peacekeeping Force (IPKF) was sent to Sri Lanka.
[edit] References
- ^ Taylor, Richard Warren (1982). Religion and Society: The First Twenty-five Years, 1953-1978. Christian Literature Society (for the Christian Institute for the Study of Religion and Society, Bangalore). p. 242. OCLC 9007066.
- ^ Welch, Claude Emerson (1967). Political Modernization: A Reader in Comparative Political Change. Wadsworth Pub. Co. p. 173. OCLC 941238.
- ^ James H. Mills, Satadru Sen, ed (2004). Confronting the Body: The Politics of Physicality in Colonial and Post-Colonial India. Anthem Press. p. 145. ISBN 978-1843310327.
- ^ Afzal, M. Rafique (1979). The Case for Pakistan. Islamabad: National Commission on Historical and Cultural Research. xxv. OCLC 8165052.
- ^ Tirtha, Ranjit (1980). Society and Development in Contemporary India: Geographical Perspectives. Harlo. p. 161. ISBN 78-0818700408. OCLC 6930110.
- ^ a b Thapar, Romesh (1978). Change and Conflict in India. Macmillan. p. 75. ISBN 0836402227.
- ^ a b Rao, C Rajeswara (1973). Defeat Separatist Conspiracy in Andhra. Communist Party of India. p. 28. OCLC 814926.
- ^ a b c Archana Masih (2005-01-16). "'We need to acquire greater coherence as a nation': An interview with P. C. Alexander". The Hindu. http://www.rediff.com/freedom/25pc.htm. Retrieved 2007-09-05.
- ^ Hardgrave, Robert Lewis (1979). Essays in the Political Sociology of South India. Usha. p. 2. OCLC 6921408. "At the height of its power, the movement for Dravidasthan was virtually dead."
- ^ a b Danspeckgruber, Wolfgang F (2002). The Self-Determination of Peoples: Community, Nation, and State in an Interdependent World. Lynne Rienner Publishers. p. 300. ISBN 1555877931.
- ^ a b Srinivas, Mysore Narasimhachar (1962). Caste in Modern India, and other essays. Asia Publishing House. p. 31. OCLC 5206379.
- ^ a b Amoretti, Ugo M.; Nancy Bermeo (2004). Federalism and Territorial Cleavages. Johns Hopkins University Press. p. 286. ISBN 978-0801874086.
- ^ a b c Omvedt, Gail (2006). Dalit Visions: The Anti-caste Movement and the Construction on an Indian Identity. Orient Longman. pp. 54–55. ISBN 8125028951.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Widmalm, Sten (2002). Kashmir in Comparative Perspective: Democracy and Violent Separatism in India. Routledge. pp. 101–107. ISBN 978-0700715787.
- ^ a b c d Dirks, Nicholas B. (2001). Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India. Princeton University Press. p. 263. ISBN 978-0691088952.
- ^ Paula, Richman (1991). "E. V. Ramasami's Reading of the Ramayana". Many Ramayanas: The Diversity of a Narrative Tradition in South Asia. University of California Press. pp. 175–188. ISBN 978-0520075894.
- ^ Arooran, K. Nambi (1980). "Tamil Renaissance and Dravidian Nationalism - The Demand for Dravida Nadu". TamilNation.org. http://www.tamilnation.org/heritage/aryan_dravidian/dravidanadu.htm. Retrieved 2008-12-20. [dead link]
- ^ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 87.
- ^ Diehl, E.V. Ramasamy Naiker-Periyar, p. 27.
- ^ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 93.
- ^ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, p. 98.
- ^ More, J B P (1997). The Political Evolution of Muslims in Tamilnadu and Madras, 1930-1947. Orient Longman. p. 163. ISBN 9788125010111. OCLC 37770527.
- ^ Gopal, Balakrishnan Raja; Teralundur Venkatarama Mahalingam, Harogadde Manappa Nayaka (1990). South Indian Studies. Geetha Book House. p. 177. OCLC 24325282.
- ^ Patwardhan, Achyut; Asoka Mehta (1942). The Communal Triangle in India. Allahabad: Kitabistan. p. 172. OCLC 4449727.
- ^ Saraswathi. Towards Self-Respect, pp. 89 & 90.
- ^ Dirks, Nicholas B. (2001). Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India. Princeton University Press. pp. 263. http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&id=lekITKy2rd4C&dq=Castes+of+Mind++By+Nicholas+B.+Dirks&printsec=frontcover&source=web&ots=UJYZrtoUz6&sig=ejfiLGfYFsP4jfiauhRl6yYRlMc&sa=X&oi=book_result&resnum=1&ct=result#PPA263,M1.
- ^ Ram, Mohan (1968). Hindi Against India: The Meaning of DMK. Rachna Prakashan. pp. 79–80. OCLC 35586.
- ^ Menon, V. P. (1998). Transfer of Power in India. Orient Longman. p. 106. ISBN 8125008845.
- ^ Jinnah, Muhammad Ali (1993). "A Time-Bound Plan for Muslim India". In J. C. Johari. Voices of Indian Freedom Movement. Anmol Publications. p. 198. ISBN 8171582257.
- ^ a b Rajagopalan, Swarna (2001). State and Nation in South Asia. Lynne Rienner. p. 139. ISBN 978-1555879679.
- ^ More, J B P (2004). Muslim Identity, Print Culture, and the Dravidian Factor in Tamil Nadu. Orient Longman. pp. 166–170. OCLC 59991703.
- ^ Chatterjee, Up Against Caste: Comparative study of Ambedkar and Periyar, p. 43.
- ^ Kannan 2010, pp. 60
- ^ Chatterjee, Debi (2004). Up against caste: comparative study of Ambedkar and Periyar. Rawat Publications. pp. 43. ISBN 9788170338604. http://books.google.com/books?client=firefox-a&cd=1&id=1mpuAAAAMAAJ.
- ^ "C.N.Annadurai". 2007-08-28. http://www.tamilnation.org/hundredtamils/annadurai.htm. Retrieved 2007-09-05. [dead link]
- ^ "The 60 days to Aug 15, 1947". Indo-Asian News Service. 2007-08-15. http://in.news.yahoo.com/070815/43/6jgwc.html. Retrieved 2007-09-05. [dead link]
- ^ C. Wijeyawickrema. "War and Peace in Sri Lanka: the other battle - Part I: South Indian backyard". http://www.lankaweb.com/news/items07/190307-3.html. Retrieved 2007-09-05.
- ^ Jaffrelot, Christophe (2003). India's silent revolution: the rise of the low castes in North Indian politics. Orient Longman. p. 244. ISBN 178240807.
- ^ Chatterjee, Debi, [January 1981](2004) Up Against Caste: Comparative study of Ambedkar and Periyar. Rawat Publications: Chennai , p. 42.
- ^ E. V. Ramaswami. Republic Supplement, January 26, 1950. Quoted in "Reconstruction of society". The Hindu. 2007-08-15. http://www.hindu.com/af/india60/stories2007081551140800.htm. Retrieved 2007-09-05. [dead link]
- ^ a b Kothari, Rajni (1994). Politics in India. Orient Longman. pp. 333–343. ISBN 8125000720.
- ^ Ghurye, Govind Sadashiv (1961). Caste, Class, and Occupation. Popular Book Depot. p. 318. OCLC 175030.
- ^ a b Manor, James (2001). "Center-state relations". In Atul Kohli. The Success of India's Democracy. Cambridge University Press. p. 89. ISBN 978-0521805308.
- ^ Stein, Burton (1998). A History of India. Blackwell Publishing. p. 402. ISBN 0631205462.
- ^ Erdman, Howard Loyd (1967). The Swatantra Party and Indian Conservatism. Cambridge University Press. p. 216. OCLC 301813.
- ^ Ghurye, G. S. (1976). S Devadas Pillai. ed. Aspects of changing India : studies in honour of Prof. G. S. Ghurye. Popular Prakashan. p. 108. ISBN 8171541577. OCLC 4497385.
- ^ Pande, Ram (1985). Congress 100 Years. Jaipur Pub. House. p. 253. OCLC 12978554.
- ^ Bhaskaran, Ramaswami (1967). Sociology of Politics: Tradition and Politics in India. Asia Pub. House. p. 48. OCLC 342442.
- ^ Iyengar, K R Srinivasa (1970). Two cheers for the Commonwealth; talks on literature and education. Asia Publishing House. p. 65. ISBN 978-0210223079. OCLC 95129.
- ^ Sri Lanka, House of Representatives, Parliamentary Debates (Hansard), vol. 48, col. 1313, 3 September 1962. Quoted in Bookman, Milica Zarkovic (1997). The Demographic Struggle for Power. Routledge. p. 15. ISBN 978-0714647326.
- ^ Barnett, Marguerite Ross (1975). Electoral Politics in the Indian States: Party Systems and Cleavages. Manohar Book Service. p. 85. OCLC 2197571.
- ^ Connor, Walker (1993). Ethnonationalism: The Quest for Understanding. Princeton University Press. p. 27. ISBN 978-0691025636.
- ^ Ramachandra Guha (2005-01-16). "Hindi against India". The Hindu. http://www.hindu.com/mag/2005/01/16/stories/2005011600260300.htm. Retrieved 2007-09-05.
- ^ Sharma, Phool Kumar (1972). India, Pakistan, China, and the Contemporary World. National. p. 51. OCLC 693687.
[edit] External links
Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dravidistan"
Categories: History of Tamil Nadu | Anti-Brahmanism | Independence movements | Secession in India
--
Palash Biswas
Pl Read:
http://nandigramunited-banga.blogspot.com/
No comments:
Post a Comment